On 8 September 1978 Alessandro Roccati identified amongst the unpublished papyri in the Museo Egizio in Turin a papyrus fragment containing an excerpt from The Teaching of Khety, also known as The Satire of the Trades.1 Some years later (14 September 1983) he identified yet another fragment with a passage from Khety close to the one on the previously discovered fragment. As Roccati realised, it was an important find, for together the two fragments constituted the second half of Khety (chapters 21–30), thus providing a welcome additional source for this portion of the text, which was less frequently copied by the ancient Egyptian scribes than the more attractive first part that describes the various laborious professions. Moreover, the manuscript provided a good, although not faultless, version of the composition, which is infamous for its unintelligibility due to the many mistakes and variants occurring in the source material. Roccati made use of the papyrus for his translation of Khety that appeared in 1994 as part of an anthology of ancient Egyptian texts.2 This, however, remained largely unnoticed by the scientific community. Roccati again pointed out the existence of the papyrus in an article published in 2000 in which he also provided a transcription of four110-111 non-continuous lines.3 This was noted by Stephan Jäger, who published a new edition of Khety in 2004. He does mention the papyrus as one of the sources of Khety, but since he had no access to the manuscript, its text is not included in his edition.4

The numbers Roccati assigned to the papyrus have been the cause of some confusion. On several occasions, Roccati refers to the papyrus in its entirety (i.e. the two fragments together) as P. Turin CGT 54017, and hence so does Jäger, following Roccati. In one of his articles Roccati lists, among various (unpublished) papyri in the Turin museum, a “P. Turin CGT 54017: Satira dei Mestieri (=pSallier II 9,5–11,5). Identificato l’8.9.1978”. Beneath this entry, however, he lists another papyrus “P. Turin CGT 54018: come il precedente. Identificato il 14.9.1983”.5 The latter can only refer to one of the two fragments identified by him, since no other substantial manuscript containing Khety has so far been discovered amongst the papyri in Turin.6 However, Roccati’s numbers are incorrect, for neither CGT 54017 nor CGT 54018 contain excerpts from Khety.7 P. Turin CGT 54019 (TPOP Doc ID 543), on the other hand, fits Roccati’s description of the papyrus nicely, and the evidence suggest this must be the manuscript he discovered in the Turin collection. Part of the confusion seems to have arisen from the fact that the papyrus consists of two fragments mounted in two separate frames (Fig. 1 and Fig. 2), both of which were identified by Roccati some years apart. In this paper I will not only provide the first hieroglyphic transcription of CGT 54019 to appear in print, and discuss variants of the text, but also contextualise the papyrus based on its colophon.

Fig. 1

CGT 54019, recto, mounted in frame 1 (columns 2 and 3). Scan by the Museo Egizio.

Fig. 2

CGT 54019, recto, mounted in frame 2 (column 1). Scan by the Museo Egizio.

P. Turin CGT 54019 survives in two fragments that are mounted in two separate frames. The largest of the two fragments (Frame 1) measures 38 x 20 cm (Fig. 1). The smaller one (Frame 2) measures 21 x 18.5 cm (Fig. 2). The numbering of the frames is misleading, for the fragment in frame 2 actually precedes the fragment in frame 1. Hardly anything is missing between the two pieces, so that they can almost be joined directly, having become separated only by a vertical crack (for a virtual reconstruction, see Fig. 3). Similar cracks appear throughout the manuscript at regular intervals (approximately 7 cm apart), suggesting that the papyrus was rolled-up and subsequently pressed down. The papyrus has suffered further damage, resulting in a number of lacunae. The verso is blank, apart from some traces of red ink, which may be pen trials or the remnants of a doodle (Fig. 4). The recto contains three columns of hieratic text written in horizontal lines. The first column is missing approximately 2.5 cm at the beginning; the second column is preserved to its full width (23 cm); the third column has lost about 10 cm at the end, assuming it had the same width as the other two. It seems likely that the manuscript once contained the entire composition, and thus that several sheets preceded the column now numbered 1. The third column contains the end of Khety followed by a colophon. It is likely that this also constituted the end of the papyrus, as the handwriting in the third column appears denser, as if the scribe was doing his best to finish the text within the available space. While the length of the papyrus112 is thus incompletely preserved, its height seems to have survived more or less intact. The lower margin is preserved in its entirety. Assuming the top margin measured the same as the lower one (2 cm), the total height of the papyrus would have been slightly over 20 cm, which corresponds to a half-roll, a full papyrus roll mostly measuring between 41 and 43 cm in height in the Ramesside Period.8 In the top margin above the second column some traces of writing are visible that are not part of the main body of text. They might belong to a writing exercise, or perhaps to a date; such features also appear in the margins of other papyri.9

Fig. 3

Virtual reconstruction of CGT 54019 by the author, based on scans by Museo Egizio.

Fig. 4

CGT 54019, detail of the verso. Scan by the Museo Egizio (with colour enhancement by the author).

Nothing is known about the origin of the manuscript. There is no information about the papyrus provided in the museum records other than its current number. Most of the Ramesside papyri in the Museo Egizio stem from western Thebes and came into the possession of the museum when Bernardino Drovetti (1776–1852) sold his first collection to the king of Sardinia in 1824. Drovetti was not only the French consul in Egypt at the time, but also a collector of Egyptian antiquities, whose agents were particularly active on the Theban west bank, most likely including the workmen’s village of Deir el-Medina.10 Other papyri now housed in Turin were excavated by Ernesto Schiaparelli (1856–1928) in Deir el-Medina. It is not known whether CGT 54019 originates from Drovetti’s collection or from Schiaparelli’s finds. However, since most of the papyri in the Turin collection seem to originate from the village of Deir el-Medina, western Thebes as a provenance is highly likely, also considering the colophon that refers to the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu (see below). It is interesting the papyrus stems from this area, since both P. Sallier II and P. Anastasi VII (the only manuscripts containing more chapters of Khety than CGT 54019) are likely to have a Memphite origin.11 The manuscript dates from the Ramesside Period, more precisely the Twentieth Dynasty. The fact that Ramesses III is mentioned provides us with a terminus post quem.113

The palaeography of the manuscript confirms its dating to the Ramesside Period (see Table 1). The scribe’s handwriting is neat, free of ligatures, round, and of average size. He had a tendency to add dots to certain signs, e.g. Ax (1,5), kA (3,9), nDm (3,5), tyw (1,4). Several signs are quite distinctive for this scribe and may help to identify other manuscripts written by the same person in the future. They are listed in Table 2. This table also includes the scribe’s way of writing the pronoun st.12 To this may be added the scribe’s peculiar spelling of the word hAb (2,7; 2,9; 3,2) and his consistent writing of (wn) as (1,2; 2,10; 3,7; see also below), an example of Late Egyptian orthography. The manuscript lacks verse points.13 This is a noteworthy feature, since the use of these “verse points” was widespread in the New Kingdom, especially in literary texts.14

Table 1

Overview of the signs showing features common in the Ramesside period.

Table 2

Idiosyncratic signs of the scribe of CGT 54019, including his distinctive writing of the pronoun st.

The Teaching of Khety is known for its many mistakes and variants, making it a notoriously difficult text, to such a degree that John Foster remarked: “The so-called Satire on the Trades, containing Khety’s instruction to his son Pepi, is one of the most confusing, garbled, and unintelligible literary texts to survive from ancient Egypt.”15 CGT 54019 contains some variants that are unparalleled in the other source material of Khety.16 Many of these help to114 shed light on obscure passages of the composition. The papyrus can therefore be said to provide a more legible version of the text than many other sources, although it is certainly far from faultless.

In the past, variants that occurred in manuscripts were often seen as mistakes, a corruption of the perfect text originally composed by the author. Philologists tried to identify these “errors” in order to reconstruct a hypothetical Urtext. The most recent edition of Khety by Stephan Jäger is a good example of this traditional approach. Jäger makes use of stemmata to establish a hierarchy of manuscripts and uses the results to reconstruct an Urtext.17 Cerquiglini, however, has convincingly argued that it is impossible and indeed irrelevant to retrieve an original text from supposedly faulty copies, for “medieval writing does not produce variants; it is variance,” and “every copy is alteration”, meaning that variants and mistakes are an inherent feature of textual transmission.18 Recently this approach, known as “New Philology” or “Material Philology”, has also found footing within Egyptology.19

Variants thus have a value of their own; they may offer insights into the social conditions of textual production. As early as the 1970s, Burkard analysed mistakes and variants in ancient Egyptian wisdom texts, including The Teaching of Khety. Regarding the latter, he concluded that the sources contained many reading errors (“Lesefehler”), a few memory mistakes (“Gedächtnisfehler”) and no hearing errors (“Hörfehler”). Thus, according to his analysis, the preferred method of textual transmission was copying the text from another manuscript as opposed to writing from memory (which did occasionally occur) and copying from dictation.20

True to the old philological tradition, Burkard saw many variants as mistakes, but in reality it is often difficult to identify the purpose behind a particular variant: whether it is a real error, made unconsciously by the scribe, resulting in a faulty (sometimes incomprehensible) version of the text; a “conscious” modification, for example when a scribe did not remember a particular detail and replaced it with something else;21 or a redactional variant, the scribe knowingly adapting the text, for example to facilitate the understanding of a sentence or to update the text, for instance by using Late Ramesside orthography. A further difficulty lies in discerning if the mistake or variant was made by the copyist himself or if it was already part of a corrupt textual tradition, the scribe faithfully copying the text as he knew it.22 Either way, the study of variants can reveal much about the engagement (or non-engagement) of the scribe with the text he copied.

In the following section I will comment on the variants of CGT 54019 that are unparalleled in other sources. It falls outside the scope of this paper to give a detailed analysis of every variant of the manuscript (a full new edition of The Teaching of Khety is in preparation by the present author), but the discussion below will touch upon the matters discussed above.115

P. Turin CGT 54019 ends with a colophon, written after the closing words of Khety (column 3, lines 9–10):

iw=s pw nfr m Htp i<n> kA n […]tA [Hw.t nsw] bity wsr-mAa.t-ra mry-imn a-w-s m pr [imn]It is come,67 well and in peace. For the ka of […]the [Temple of the King of Upper and] Lower Egypt, Usermaatra Meryamun, l.p.h. in the domain of [Amun]

The phrasing of the colophon is typical for the New Kingdom.68 The expression iw=s pw nfr m Htp is followed by the standard dedicatory formula in kA n, although the scribe has curiously enough omitted the n in the word in.69 Unfortunately the name of the person to whom the text was dedicated is lost, as well as the name of the scribe himself, which usually followed, introduced by the words ir.n, “made by”. The final line only preserves a reference to the mortuary temple of Ramesses III at Medinet Habu.70

The occurrence of a location (the temple of Medinet Habu) in the colophon is noticeable, since this is very uncommon. In fact, locations are so rarely mentioned that this aspect of the colophon has not been discussed before in the Egyptological literature on colophons. In this section I will discuss the relevant examples in order to try to reconstruct the context in which the temple is mentioned in the colophon of CGT 54019.

Locations in colophons occur in three different types:

as the location where the king happened to be at the time of writing

Type 1 has only one example. The colophon in question concludes The Teaching of Khety on P. Anastasi VII. It reads as follows:

iw=s pw nfr m Htp • in kA n sS [pr-HD] qA[gAbw] • [sS] pA-Hrj-pD.t • sS iwti • sS mry-ra • ir.n sS in-nA pA nb n tA sbAy.t • m rnp.t-zp 6 Abd 2 Smw sw 15 • iw=tw m pr-ra-msj-sw mry-imn-a-w-s-pA-kA-[aA]-n-pA-ra-Hrw-Axtj •It is come, well and in peace. For the ka of the scribe [of the Treasury] Qa[gebu and the scribe] Paheripedjet and the scribe Iuti and the scribe Meryre. Made by the scribe Inena, the owner of the teaching, in year 6, second month of Summer, day 15, while One (i.e. the King) was in House-of-Ramesses-Beloved-of-Amun-l.p.h.,-the[-Great]-Spirit-of-Pre-Harakhti.71

After the standard formulae of the colophon follows a date and the remark that the King was in Piramesse, the Ramesside capital in the Delta. Apparently, the scribe considered the event important enough to add to the colophon. It probably helped him remember the occasion when the papyrus was written. The phrase “while the King was in (iw=tw m) + location” is more often found outside the context of colophons, for example in the title of one of the Miscellanies,72 but mostly on administrative documents, from where it probably originates.73 This shows that scribes applied certain practices they used in administration also to their literary activities when deemed important.

Type 2 is also represented by a single example, namely the colophon at the end of the The Contendings of Horus and Seth. It reads: iw=s pw nfr m-Xnw wAs.t tA s.t tb, “It is come, well in Thebes, the place of tb”.74 Thus the colophon explicitly states that the papyrus was written in Thebes.

Type 3 occurs much more frequently. The relevant examples mostly name scribes (sS) or draughtsmen (sS-qd) in the “the place of Truth” (s.t-mAa.t), which refers to the Theban royal necropolis.75 The location does not indicate the place of production, but is clearly part of the title, as the examples show. A location other than the royal necropolis is found on P. Amherst 12 and 13 (Loyalist Instruction). Its colophon states that the text was made in sS wab n pr-imn,123 “by/for76 the scribe, the wab-priest of the temple of Amun”. This colophon is interesting because it shows a connection between a literary text and (a person associated with) a temple, as in CGT 54019. The same applies to the final example belonging to this category, a papyrus from Turin with the Hymn to Hapi.77 It also mentions a temple in its colophon, more specifically the mortuary temple of Ramesses IV:

iw=s […]n tA Hw.t nsw bity HqA-mAat-ra stp.n […]It is […]of the Temple of the King of Upper and Lower Egypt, Heqa-Maat-Ra Beloved-of-[…]

Although the colophon is fragmentary, it seems clear that the n, “of”, was preceded by the word sS, “scribe”, and thus that the location is part of the title.

The association with temples is also apparent in another colophon that cannot be added to one of the three categories due to its fragmentary state. It concerns the colophon of the Blinding of Truth by Falsehood.78 At some point it states iw=f […] Hw.t, “while he […] temple”. To whom the =f refers is uncertain, but it probably does not indicate the King, since in such cases iw=tw is used, as we have seen above. A little further on one reads Hw.t nsw […], “the Temple of the King […]”. The name of the King in question has been lost, but the following lacuna ends with the word imn, “Amun”, which may be the final word in the expression m pr imn, “in the domain of Amun”, a common addition in the names of royal memorial temples in the Ramesside period. Thus it seems a mortuary temple also features in this colophon.

Taking all of the above into account CGT 54019 may be added to the third category, i.e. the mortuary temple occurs here as part of a title, either of the scribe who copied the text or the person to whom the text was dedicated. This assumption is not only based on statistical grounds, but also on the close parallel with the Turin papyrus containing the Hymn to Hapi. Furthermore, the title “scribe of + mortuary temple” occurs more often. Another example of someone holding this title is Pentaweret who is called a sS n tA Hw.t nsw bity wsr-mAat-ra stp-n-ra m pr imn, thus a scribe of the Ramesseum, the mortuary temple of Ramesses II in Thebes.79

From circumstantial evidence, including titles of scribes like the ones mentioned above, we know that scriptoria (i.e. places connected to scribal activities) such as the House of Life or the House of Books were associated with temples.80 Nevertheless it has been proven difficult to archaeologically identify the structures where these scribal activities took place within the precincts of the temples. Literary material was found at the site of various mortuary temples on the West Bank. In the mud-brick buildings surrounding the Ramesseum fragments of literary papyri were discovered, which point to the existence of an archive or library there.81 Furthermore, excavations in the southwestern area of the temple have yielded the remnants of 17 small chambers with a forecourt attached. Many ostraca were found there, including literary ones. The excavators identified this structure as a school (a.t-sbA), possibly in combination with a House of Life,82 but this has been debated by other scholars, criticising the fact that the identification as a school is solely based on the presence of literary material at the site.83 The same applies to the mortuary temple of Amenhotep II. Two literary ostraca (one containing The Teaching of Khety, the other The Teaching of Amenemhat) were discovered near the west wall of the temple in proximity to each other, together with an administrative ostracon and several figured ostraca. For this area it has also been suggested it functioned as a school, but again the evidence is sparse.84 An ostracon containing both Khety and Amenemhat was found in the outbuildings belonging to the mortuary temple of Thutmosis III. Recent excavations have revealed yet more literary ostraca at the site, including five copies of Khety. One area in particular yielded a concentration of literary ostraca, but there is not enough evidence to identify it as a place of teaching because of the archaeological context: the area contained spoil heaps from previous excavations.85 However, it is likely that some form of training took place in and around temples, if not in the formal setting of a school, then in the form of learning on the job.86 For example, the literary ostraca that were found in the mortuary temple of Merenptah often contain texts written in twofold, one by an experienced hand, the other by a less124 skillful one, indicating that one-on-one teaching took place within the temple precinct.87 Interesting in this respect is another ostracon with a duplicate text of P. Anastasi V, 10, 3–7 (Miscellanies). It is addressed by the scribe of the temple of Amenhotep (I) Pahemnetjer (sS Hw.t-nTr n pr n imn-Htp a-w-s pA-Hm-nTr) to his apprentice or assistant (Xry-a=f), the scribe and sem-priest Paimiraperhedj.88 The term Xry-a may point to an educational context, although this does not necessarily has to be the case.89

All in all, the presence of literary material at these sites shows that literary activities were being conducted within the enclosures of mortuary temples, which probably also served as places of training for young scribes. The colophon of CGT 54019 indicates that the papyrus was written by or for a scribe connected to the mortuary temple of Ramesses III. It is likely that the temple was also the place where the text was produced. Thus within the precincts of the temple of Medinet Habu there also existed a place where (literary) texts were copied, as in the other mortuary temples discussed above.

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