Abstract
The article provides an overview of the collection of Christian inscriptions on stone from Egypt and Nubia in the Museo Egizio. In addition to various listings, a full text is given of all sixteen Greek and Coptic inscriptions from Egypt, eleven of which are published here in editio princeps.
Introduction
Like all major collections of Egyptian antiquities, the Museo Egizio houses a considerable number of artifacts that are commonly classed as “Coptic”. These very diverse objects, some of which belong to the earliest core of the collection, share a background in Egypt’s Christian culture. They date from the late antique and early medieval periods, when Egypt and its southern neighbor, Nubia, were predominantly Christian. During these centuries, Egypt was part of the Roman (Byzantine) empire and, from 642 onwards, of the successive Islamic califates. Nubia remained politically independent until the end of the fifteenth century.
The present article focuses on one specific category of artifacts, namely monumental stone inscriptions from Christian Egypt and Nubia. In the case of the Turin collection, all of these inscriptions are of a funerary nature.1 This means that they are epitaphs and that their original setting was the Christian tomb. As part of the tomb, the epitaphs were at the center of commemorative liturgical practices, focused on the person of the deceased. For this reason, they always contain his or her name and often also the date of his or her death as minimal elements, frequently expanded by acclamations or prayers for the repose of the deceased’s soul.2
Some of the epitaphs take the form of richly decorated stelae, others are simple stone slabs. In their decoration, but also in their textual formulae, they show a considerable amount of regional variety, as the examples in the Turin collection amply illustrate. Several urban centers, such as Panopolis or Hermonthis, and individual monasteries, such as those at Saqqara and Aswan, had their own distinctive styles of epitaphs. Those in the Turin collection date from about the fifth century to the very end of the twelfth, when the tradition of sculptured tombstones, inherited from antiquity, petered out. They are inscribed in either of the two written languages of Christian Egypt, Greek or Coptic, sometimes in both.3
The article aims at guiding the reader through this particular segment of the collection, on the basis of an inventory produced with the aid of the museum staff, in particular Susanne Töpfer and Federico
Greek and Coptic epitaphs from northern Nubia
The Museo Egizio holds a collection of twenty-five funerary stelae from different sites in northern Nubia, ancient Nobadia, between the first and the second Nile cataracts. Three groups can be distinguished, corresponding to fairly precisely defined provenances. In geographical order from north to south, these are: a group of three Greek epitaphs from the vicinity of Taphis (Tafa) and Talmis (Kalabsha), in the former Dodekaschoinos; a group of twenty Coptic and Greek epitaphs from Sakinya, in the Toshka-West district, and, finally, two Greek stelae from Faras.
As the Nubian epitaphs are all available in accessible and reliable editions, no texts are provided here. In due time, moreover, it will be possible to check technical details in the online catalogue of the museum, which will eventually comprise a full photographic documentation. In the listings below, in addition to the standard corpora of Gustave Lefebvre (cited as I. Lefebvre) and Maria Grazia Tibiletti Bruno (Iscrizioni Nubiane, tagged TB), and Sammelbuch (SB) references as far as applicable,4 for each item the numbers of the digital Database of Medieval Nubian Texts (DBMNT) are cited. For fuller bibliographical and technical information, the reader is referred to this freely accessible database.5
Greek epitaphs from the Taphis-Talmis area
The first group consists of three Greek epitaphs for women, one of which (Cat. 7143) is dated to the equivalent of AD 699. Their provenance is unrecorded. Already in 1925, however, in his seminal study of Christian epitaphs from Nubia, Hermann Junker was able to attribute the stelae to the Taphis-Talmis area on the basis of their textual format.6 More recent studies have only confirmed the correctness of his insights.7
The three stelae must have been acquired before 1850, when Gustav Seyffarth first published two of the three pieces, Cat. 7144 and Provv. 3322.8 Actually, Seyffarth intended to publish three Turin stelae from Nubia, which he grouped under his nos. IX-XI, quoting Turin museum numbers B.A. 6329 (his no. IX = Cat. 7144), B.A. 6330 (his no. X = Provv. 3322), and B.A. 3321 (his no. XI, presumably Turin Cat. 7143). Instead of the latter epitaph, however, he erroneously printed the text of the stela of a woman Mary from the Musée du Louvre (I. Lefebvre 655).9 Seyffarth’s confusion can be easily explained. Both the Louvre stela of Mary and Turin stela Cat. 7143 are plain epitaphs for women, opening with an identical formula of the
In spite of Seyffarth’s obvious error, his 1850 edition underlines the coherence of this group of three stelae that must originate from a single source, most probably the collection of Bernardino Drovetti (1776-1852), acquired in the 1820s.11 The stelae would accordingly belong to the wave of similar monuments from the Taphis-Talmis area that reached European collections in the 1810s and 1820s.12
Museo Egizio
I. Lefebvre
TB
SB
DBMNT
Cat. 7143
661
43
–
499
Cat. 7144
659
24
2034
497
Provv. 3322
660
58
–
498
Greek and Coptic epitaphs from Sakinya (Toshka-West)
The extensive Christian necropolis of Sakinya, in the district of Toshka-West in central Nobadia, between Qasr Ibrim and Faras, was excavated in January 1933 by Ugo Monneret de Villard (1881–1954). The over 300 Greek and Coptic epitaphs discovered at the site were partitioned afterwards. A vast majority ended up in the Coptic Museum in Cairo, while smaller lots were assigned to the Greco-Roman Museum in Alexandria and the Museo Nazionale Romano delle Terme in Rome. Twenty pieces from the Roman Museo Nazionale were permanenty deposited at the Museo Egizio in 1968 and catalogued as Suppl. 18156–18175. They were subsequently edited with accompanying photos by Sergio Pernigotti in 1975.13 Three further epitaphs from Sakinya, copied by Monneret de Villard in 1933, have not been located since and may have disappeared at any stage following their discovery.14
Pernigotti’s edition replaces two earlier ones, a first one by Monneret de Villard himself, published in 1933, which did not cover all of the Sakinya material,15 and a second, complete one by Togo Mina, dating from 1942. Togo Mina, however, no longer had access to the originals of the Turin stelae.16 Since the latter publication retains its value, as it alone grants access to the whole of this extremely important find, it is included in the concordance given below (tagged as Mina). A useful concordance based on his own numbers and including those of Monneret de Villard’s editio princeps can be found in Pernigotti’s edition and is not reprinted here.17
Museo Egizio
Pernigotti
Mina
DBMNT
Suppl. 18156
19
311
389
Suppl. 18157
13
265
345
Suppl. 18158
14
300
379
Suppl. 18159
5
117
200
Suppl. 18160
4
135
216
Suppl. 18161
6
128
210
Suppl. 18162
17
302
381
Suppl. 18163
20
313
391
Suppl. 18164
11
210
290
Suppl. 18165
9
181
262
Suppl. 1816618
15
296
375
Suppl. 18167
18
284
363
Suppl. 18168
1
141
222
Suppl. 18169
7
113
196
Suppl. 18170
8
159
240
Suppl. 18171
3
134
215
Suppl. 18172
16
293
372
Suppl. 18173
10
254
334
Suppl. 18174
12
276
356
Suppl. 18175
2
130
212
Greek epitaphs from Faras
This small group consists of two stelae acquired
Museo Egizio
I. Lefebvre
TB
SB
DBMNT
Cat. 7141
635
19
8727
80
Cat. 7142
636
8
8728
78
Greek and Coptic epitaphs from Egypt
Compared to the well documented and focused Nubian collection, its Egyptian counterpart is poorly published and far more heterogeneous and haphazard in its composition. Table 4, which follows the order of the numbering systems of the museum currently in use, bears this out. The four Cat. 7130 numbers, all in Coptic, are pre-1850 acquisitions from Abydos (two) and the Antinoopolite-Hermopolite region (another two), all presumably from the Drovetti collection.22 A second heterogeneous group consists of Suppl. 1330 numbers that were acquired in the Egyptian commerce by Ernesto Schiaparelli (1856-1928) in 1900-1901, but do not betray a single provenance otherwise.23 Two items, Suppl. 2201 and 2202, are from Schiaparelli’s excavations at Ashmunayn (ancient Hermopolis). Suppl. 1338, a reused stone, bears two completely different texts. Only four inscriptions are accessible through I. Lefebvre or SB Kopt. entries.24
Museo Egizio
handbook entries
edition
Cat. 7130
SB Kopt. I, 486
no. 9
Cat. 7131
–
no. 10
Cat. 7132
–
no. 5
Cat. 7133
SB Kopt. I, 467
no. 4
Suppl. 1332
I. Lefebvre 112
no. 2
Suppl. 1335
I. Lefebvre 113
no. 1
Suppl. 1337
–
no. 12
Suppl. 1338
–
nos. 11-12
Suppl. 2201
–
no. 6
Suppl. 2202
–
no. 7
Suppl. 18116
–
no. 14
Suppl. 18125
–
no. 15
Provv. 1580
–
no. 16
Provv. 4817
–
no. 3
Provv. 4871
–
no. 8
The remainder of this article is devoted to editions, in a few cases re-editions, of the altogether sixteen texts on these fifteen monuments. They are presented here in an approximate geographical order, from north to south. For none of the items, however, is
The monuments edited below originate from either the Fayum province (nos. 1-3) or Upper Egypt, the Nile valley south of Cairo and north of the first cataract. Within the latter area, the stones can be assigned, though not in each case with complete certainty, to one of three regions. These are the wider area around ancient Antinoopolis and Hermopolis, in Middle Egypt (nos. 4-8), Abydos (nos. 9-10), and southern Upper Egypt, that is, the Theban region and further south (nos. 11-16). With the exception of the small group of two Abydos stelae, these regional clusters are internally far from homogeneous, however.
The following editions respect as much as possible the disposition of the originals, yet all conventional abbreviations, including so-called nomina sacra, are resolved, using round brackets. Linguistically Greek text is transcribed in standard minuscules, Coptic text in a Coptic uncial font, even though the monuments may use a single script for both.25 For editorial symbols, such as the various types of brackets, the so-called Leiden system is followed.26 If an inscription has been edited before, the text may be followed, for the sake of clarity, by a double apparatus, one paleographical, a second one recording the variae lectiones of the previous editors. The two epitaphs from Abydos (Cat. 7130 and 7131) have recently been studied elsewhere within a broader context and are therefore only summarily presented here (nos. 9-10). Our no. 12 is a dedicatory inscription, reused for the epitaph on its reverse (no. 11). For obvious reasons, both pieces are published together here.
1. Funerary monument of a woman, Gerosa
Gerosa must be the name of the deceased, depicted on the stela as a praying female figure. Her name is unattested elsewhere. It is hardly likely that it was conceived of as the feminine of the Greek proper name
Both the style and the iconography of the monument are clearly indicative of a Fayum provenance. Standing praying figures (orantes), usually female, within an architectural frame (aedicula) are a frequent feature of late antique stelae from the Fayum and continue an ancient iconographic tradition.28 For the figure of the woman, the Moscow stela of Matrona (Pushkin Museum, no. I, 1a 5835) offers a close parallel. It was purchased in Luxor, but is in every respect a pure representative of the Fayum style.29 The Turin stela is exceptional in that it lacks an architectural frame and a proper funerary formulary. As for the absence of a frame, it cannot be fully excluded that the stone was trimmed in modern times to look more “presentable”. The brevity of the inscription, which lacks a prayer and even the date of decease of Gerosa, might point at a relatively early date, perhaps in the fifth or sixth century.
2. Funerary monument of a lector
+ Lord, grant rest to the soul of your servant Chri[ . . . ], lector of (the church of) Saint [ . . .].
According to Gustave Lefebvre, in his editio princeps, the stela had been acquired by Schiaparelli in the Fayum, together with our no. 11 (re-edited below). This is not confirmed by the museum documentation and clearly belied by the nature and appearance of our no. 11. It is far more likely that both stelae were purchased in Cairo or Giza.30 Nevertheless, the material, formulary, style and iconography of the present monument are all unmistakable indications of a Fayum provenance. Close parallels for the iconographic type, which shows a cross in an aedicula as its central motif,31 are offered by the stelae of Thecla (Cairo, Coptic Museum 8598)32 and the pastry baker Damian from Sinnuris (present location unknown).33 As was already observed by Lefebvre, however, the closest parallel is offered by the stela of the meizoteros Apa Ol, now in Cairo (Coptic Museum 8599).34 This stela reportedly originates from Damanhur in the Delta, yet represents a pure Fayum style. It is dated to the equivalent of AD 693 and thus provides a fairly reliable date for the Turin monument, where the Diocletian year in l. 6 is broken away.
The funerary formulary is characterized by the opening phrase
The deceased commemorated by the inscription was a lector serving a church, the name of which is lost, perhaps in the city of Arsinoe itself.36 His lavishly decorated tombstone suggests that he was a man of some means.37
3. Cross-shaped funerary monument of a man, Phoibamon
+ God almighty, grant mercy and rest to the soul of the blessed Phoibamon.
The language of the inscription, Fayumic Coptic with its characteristic lambdacisms, leaves no doubt about the provenance of this nice monument. It belongs to a well-documented group of funerary stelae in an (often approximate) cross-form from the Fayum and the adjacent area of the Nile Valley.38 A more intricate parallel is offered by the Fayumic stela of a woman Martha, acquired by the British Museum in 1931.39 Much closer, for the shape of the cross, is the stela of Eulogia and Ane, also in the British Museum, of which the provenance is unknown, however.40 Such freestanding crosses, of which our no. 8 offers another example, must have crowned the superstructure of a tomb. Particularly popular in the Fayum, they occur also elsewhere in Egypt and Nubia, as well as far beyond.41
The text is very similar to that of the cross-shaped epitaph of Martha in the British Museum, mentioned above. It likewise bears an opening invocation of “God almighty” (
4. Funerary stela of a mason, Epimache
+ God of the Lords, the Holy Apostles, may you have mercy upon the soul of the blessed Epimache, the mason
Its textual format, but also its material (marble) and various details of script and orthography link the stela of the mason Epimache (Epimachos) firmly to Middle Egypt, in particular the area of Antinoopolis and Hermopolis. The text follows a tripartite format, comprising an introductory prayer for God’s mercy (ll. 1-4), a death lemma including an indiction year in Greek (ll. 4-7), and a final section (ll. 8-11) where the deceased addresses the living, asking for their prayer (appel aux vivants).44 The opening invocation, “God of the Lords, the Holy Apostles”, shows that the Apostles must have been locally important as patrons.45 Its form recalls the nomenclature of the oratory “of the Lords, the Apostles”,
The appel aux vivants of ll. 8-11 has a close parallel in the Coptic Totenklage-stela (funerary lament) of a young girl Eulogia, dated to AD 759, presumably from Antinoopolis, but now in Leiden:
5. Collective epitaph for a group of four monks
Apa Victor [ . . . ] went to rest on the xth of Thoout, in peace.
The epitaph records the dates of decease of four monks, three of whom are formally called “brother”, to wit Apa Victor (ll.1-3), a priest (
Two of the monks, Phoibammon and John, hail from the same village, Pamoune Psobt (ll. 9-10, 13-14). Egyptian place names composed with the word sbt /
The paleography and the entire format of the monument are characteristic of late antique monastic sites in Middle Egypt. Various quite similar epitaphs
6. Fragment of an epitaph
[ – – – ] blessed [ – – – ] . . . [ – – – ] on this very day [ – – – ] of this very year [ – – – ]
Part of the name-date lemma of the funerary inscription of an apparently male person. Line 2 mentioned the profession of the deceased, whose name must have followed the epithet
7. Fragment of an epitaph (?)
[ – – – ] is Choiak [ – – – ] since Diocletian [ – – – ]
The fragment preserves part of the two final lines of an inscription, most likely of a funerary nature, comprising the dating lemma with the day and year of decease. As in the previous item, the style of writing is typical of the Hermopolite-Antinoopolite region.
8. Cross-shaped funerary monument of a man, Noute
13.
+ In the name of the Father and the Son and the Holy Spirit.
In spite of its present fragile condition, this piece – like our no. 3 – must have been a freestanding monument that once crowned the superstructure of a tomb. It is inscribed with a full-fledged though brief epitaph. It opens with a widespread opening formula invoking the Holy Trinity (ll. 1-7), followed by a statement of death containing the name of the deceased and the date of his demise (ll. 7-16). The text concludes with a brief prayer for the deceased, who himself speaks through the epitaph in the first person, addressing not the reader, as is more usual (compare the appel aux vivants in no. 4), but Christ directly (ll. 16-20). Its appeal to divine succor (
Sepulchral crosses were particularly popular in the Fayum (see our no. 3, above), but the present piece is typologically and textually quite different from the Fayum crosses. The material, a rather bright limestone, the form of the indiction date in l. 13, and the first-person prayer of ll. 16-20 would seem to indicate a provenance in Middle Egypt, but it is difficult to be more assertive or precise.
9. Epitaph of a woman [ . ]aqo
2.
+ O Holy Trinity!
This and the next item belong to a small group of textually very similar stelae that on the basis of both internal and external criteria can be attributed to Abydos or its close vicinity (Balyana). For a discussion of the entire group and a textual and historical commentary, see the most recent re-edition, where the anacoluthon of ll. 8-9 is also discussed.
10. Epitaph of a woman Maleu
1-2.
+ O Holy Trinity, have mercy upon us!
This epitaph is a companion piece to the previous item, which presents a very similar text, even though they were probably produced by different scribes and masons. For a discussion of its provenance and context and a detailed commentary, see the editio princeps.
11. Funerary monument of a woman, Tse
+ One God!
Stelae with an aedicula decoration and a text consisting of the
The name of the (female) owner, Tse, may be a variant of Tsa, “Beauty”.57 Meneshe is assumed here to be her father’s name, yet it seems to be unattested elsewhere. Alternatively, the entire group of ll. 4-6, could be read as a single name of the popular type beginning with the group
12. Fragmentary commemorative inscription
4.
[ – – – ]skos Poli[ – – – ]os erected [ – – – ] this wall [ – – – ] . . . [ – – – ] . . . very well [ – – – ] having transferred [ – – -].
Not enough of the text survives to allow a confident reconstruction. The inevitably somewhat hypothetical interpretation proposed here owes a great deal to the expertise of my colleague Adam Łajtar, University of Warsaw. The inscription may be commemorating the erection or restoration of a building or part of building (cf. ll. 2-3) by a benefactor or benefactors whose names and functions were probably detailed in ll. 1-2. There is nothing in the preserved parts of the inscription to connect it with a Christian milieu.
13. Funerary monument of a man, Ketatios
One God! Ketatios. +
According to its first editor, Gustave Lefebvre, the stela was acquired by Schiaparelli in the Fayum, together with our no. 2. Lefebvre (followed by Peterson) therefore attributed the stela to the Fayum, although with a question mark. This provenance is not confirmed by the museum documentation and is certainly incorrect.60 Its material (sandstone), decoration and text firmly link this piece to the area of Hermonthis (Armant), south-west of ancient Thebes.61 A much similar stela of the Hermonthis type is our no. 14, below. For the textual format, the
The name of the deceased, Ketatios, is uncommon, but the readings are indubitable. At some point, Lefebvre seems to have envisaged the possibility of splitting it up as
14. Funerary monument of a woman, Mariamme
Mariamme. Nobody is immortal in this world.
Stylistically and iconographically, this funerary monument belongs to the same class as our no. 13. Although acquired at different moments in time, both can be confidently assigned to the region of Hermonthis. The present text shows a different format, though. Here the name of the deceased is followed by the originally pre-Christian formula “nobody is immortal in this world”. Often preceded by
The name Mariamme (Mariame), apparently a hellenization of Mariam, occurs in Christian Egypt and Nubia, in both Greek and Coptic contexts.66
15. Funerary monument of a woman, Thermouthis (?)
The text merely identifies the deceased. Neither her name nor that of her father can be deciphered with full certainty. Given the space available at the beginning of the line, the popular name Thermouthis or Termouthis is a reasonable guess.67 In the father’s name, everything beyond Sil- is conjectural; the name Silvanus is usually spelt
Donadoni describes the stela as “forse da Assiut” (“perhaps from Asyut”),70 which is certainly incorrect. The style and elements of its decoration rank it with a numerous class of funerary monuments, generally considered to come from the region of Esna.71
16. Fragmentary epitaph of the Totenklage-type
+ + Jesus-Christ, have mercy upon him + + O, indissoluble and irreversible verdict! O, [ – – – ]! Woe to us, human beings, that we [ – – – ] without boat, until we make this [ – – – ] pious . . . [ – – – ] . . . , namely Apou’s-Sorour [ – – – ] alone (?) [ – – – ] . . . , the city [ – – – ].
These two fragments contain the remains of an epitaph, composed for a man, perhaps named or surnamed Abû’l-Surûr (l. 6). Just enough of the text survives to show that it adhered to the format of the Totenklage-stelae, epitaphs inscribed with a funerary lament.72 As the stelae of the Totenklage-genre show a great deal of textual variation, a satisfactory reconstruction of the extremely fragmentary text proves very difficult.
The text begins with the laments that are proper to the genre, about the inevitability of death and the human condition in general (ll. 2-3), while ll. 3-4 may refer to the image of death as a journey. From l. 5 onwards, the deceased appears to be introduced and l. 8 may have mentioned his home city. Lines 9-10 are almost entirely lacking. In l. 11, the invocation “God of the spirits” appears to mark the beginning of the prayer section, which allows for only a very partial reconstruction (our ll. 11-16).
The Coptic redaction of the famous, originally Greek funerary prayer “God of the spirits” (here ll. 11-16) seems to make its appearance in Egyptian funerary epigraphy only at a rather late date, not before the eighth century.73 Also the paleography and the occurrence of an Arabic name in l. 6 favor a date towards the turn of the millennium.
The genre of the Totenklage-epitaphs is generally believed to have had its epicenter in early Islamic Antinoopolis.74 The present piece is not only a rather late representative of the genre, but also certainly stems from much farther south. The material, brittle reddish sandstone, suggests a provenance in southern Upper Egypt, perhaps as far south as Aswan, where a single fragmentary example has been discovered in the ruins of the famous Saint Hadra monastery.75
Abraham, Isaac, Jacob, patriarchs
10, 12-13; 16, 15-16 (?)
Abû’l-Surûr, masc. pers.
16, 6 (
Betir, masc. pers.
5, 13
Chri[ … ], masc. pers.
2, 2
Diocletian, emperor
2, 6; 7, 2; 9, 14; 10, 17-18
Elijah, masc. pers.
5, 5 (
Epimache, masc. pers.
4, 4
Gerosa, fem. pers.
1
Jesus Christ
4, 11; 8, 16-17; (16, 1)
John, masc. pers.
5, 12-13 (
Ketatios, masc. pers.
13, 1-2
Maleu (?), fem. pers.
10, 7 (
Mariamme, fem. pers.
14, 1
Menas, masc. pers.
10, 8 (
Meneshe, masc. pers. (?)
11, 5-6 (
Noute, masc. pers.
8, 12
Pamoune Psobt, top.
5, 9-10; 5, 13-14
Poli[ … ], masc. pers. (?)
12, 1-2
Phoibammon, masc. pers.
3, 8-9 (
Saracens, people
9, 15; 10, 17
Severus, masc. pers.
9, 5 (
Silvanus, masc. pers.
15 (
Thermouthis (?), fem. pers.
15
Tse, fem. pers.
11, 4 (
Victor, masc. pers.
5, 1 (
[ . ]aqo, fem. pers.
9, 4 (
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Notes
- With a single exception, our no. 12, which was reused for epitaph no. 11.↑
- See Van der Vliet, in Łajtar and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Nubian Voices</i>, 2011, pp. 171–224 (in the reprint, pp. 389–426).↑
- For a brief introduction to “Coptic” epigraphy, see Van der Vliet, in <i>Claremont Coptic Encyclopedia</i>; for a fuller treatment of the class of tombstones from Christian Egypt, Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011.↑
- Abbreviations of epigraphic and papyrological resources are resolved in the bibliography.↑
- Web address: <a href="http://www.dbmnt.uw.edu.pl">http://www.dbmnt.uw.edu.pl</a>. It also includes the relevant <i>Trismegistos</i> document numbers, which are not reproduced here.↑
- Junker, <i>ZÄS</i> 60 (1925), p. 114, sub 2 (for Cat. 7144) and 3 (for Provv. 3322); p. 115, sub 4 (for Cat. 7143). Note that Junker refers to the stelae by their <i>I. Lefebvre</i> numbers.↑
- For the type of Cat. 7144, characterized by Junker’s “prayer <named-content content-type="greco">β</named-content>”, see the discussion in Van der Vliet and Worp, in Łajtar et al. (eds.), <i>Nubian Voices II</i>, 2015, pp. 34–38 (in the reprint, pp. 300–01), where the Turin stela is no. 1. For the type of Cat. 7143, see additionally Van der Vliet, <i>JJP</i> 32 (2002), p. 184 (in the reprint, pp. 283–84), and Salvoldi, in Häussler and Chiai (eds.), <i>Sacred Landscapes in Antiquity</i>, 2020, pp. 423–24.↑
- Seyffarth, <i>ZDMG</i> 4 (1850), pp. 257, 261, nos. IX-X.↑
- See Lefebvre’s note 1, on <i>I. Lefebvre</i> 655; Lefebvre’s hypothesis that the stela of Mary had been part of the Turin collection, before it passed to the Louvre, is unwarranted; see the latest edition of this piece, in Bernand, <i>Inscriptions grecques d’Égypte et de Nubie</i>, 1992, no. 111.↑
- The Greek opening formula <named-content content-type="greco">ἔνθα κατάκειται ὁ μακαρίος</named-content> / <named-content content-type="greco">ἡ μακαρία</named-content> N.N., “here lies the blessed N.N.”, characterizes many epitaphs from late antique northern Nubia, in particular the Taphis-Talmis area; see the literature cited in notes 6 and 7 above. A Coptic variant of the formula, from Egypt, occurs below in nos. 9 and 10.↑
- As was surmised already by Lumbroso, <i>Atti della R. Accademia 7</i> (1871–1872), p. 213, for Cat. 7143 and Provv. 3322.↑
- On which see Van der Vliet and Worp, in Łajtar et al. (eds.), <i>Nubian Voices II</i>, 2015, pp. 27–29 (in the reprint, pp. 295–96).↑
- Pernigotti, <i>OrAnt</i> 14 (1975), pp. 21–55.↑
- See Pernigotti, <i>OrAnt</i> 14 (1975), p. 22, n. 12.↑
- Monneret de Villard, <i>Iscrizioni</i>, 1933.↑
- Mina, <i>Inscriptions</i>, 1942.↑
- Pernigotti, <i>OrAnt</i> 14 (1975), pp. 22–23, n. 12.↑
- <i>SB Kopt</i>. II, 1110, offers a re-edition after a published photo (with an unclear reference), ignoring Pernigotti’s edition and citing an (invalid) number 121156.↑
- For the site, see Van der Vliet, <i>Études et travaux</i> 32 (2019), pp. 217–18, with further references.↑
- Van der Vliet, <i>Études et travaux</i> 32 (2019), pp. 217–35.↑
- For an excellent reproduction, see Moiso, <i>La storia del Museo Egizio</i>, 2016, p. 43, fig. 27.↑
- The catalogue of the Drovetti collection, drafted for Carlo Vidua in 1822, mentions five Coptic inscriptions that cannot be identified with more precision; see Ministero della pubblica istruzione, <i>Documenti inediti</i>, pp. XI–XIV and 224–226, nos. 18, 32, 34, and 61–62 (I thank Federico Poole for this reference).↑
- In general on the Schiaparelli acquisitions, Curto, <i>Storia del Museo Egizio</i>, 1976, pp. 51–53, 105 (cf. 108).↑
- Not included in the list is Suppl. 18115, a modern imitation acquired in 1969 together with Suppl. 18116 and 18125; it is reproduced in Donadoni, in Donadoni Roveri (ed.), <i>Il Museo Egizio</i>, 1993, p. 232, right; <i>Museo Egizio</i>, 2015, p. 209, fig. 275.↑
- Single Greek loan words in Coptic text are normalized in the apparatus only if a word or its current spelling are not found in Förster, <i>Wörterbuch</i>, 2002.↑
- See e.g. Pestman, <i>Papyrological Primer</i>, 1994, p. 15. For converting the Egyptian month dates that are used in the inscriptions, see the convenient tables in Bagnall and Worp, <i>Chronological Systems</i>, 2004, pp. 158–65.↑
- For the latter name, see Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 80.↑
- See Schaten, in Gabra (ed.), <i>Christianity and Monasticism in the Fayoum Oasis</i>, 2005, pp. 258–59, and in particular Schaten, in Eaton-Krauss et al. (eds.), <i>Egypt 1350 BC – AD 1800</i>, 2011, pp. 119–32; general discussions of the motif: Thomas, <i>Late Antique Egyptian Funerary Sculpture</i>, 2000, pp. 59–72; Frankfurter, <i>Christianizing Egypt</i>, 2018, pp. 111–14.↑
- See Rutschowscaya and Bénazeth (eds.), <i>L’art copte en Égypte</i>, 2000, p. 126, no. 102; Schaten, in Eaton-Krauss et al. (eds.), <i>Egypt 1350 BC – AD 1800</i>, 2011, p. 128, no. 18.↑
- Cf. Van der Vliet, <i>Enchoria</i> 28 (2002–03), p. 139 (in the reprint, pp. 112–13).↑
- A type discussed by Schaten, in Gabra (ed.), <i>Christianity and Monasticism in the Fayoum Oasis</i>, 2005, pp. 259–60; cf. Godlewski and Łajtar, <i>JJP</i> 36 (2006), pp. 43–62.↑
- <i>I. Lefebvre</i> 107; Crum, <i>Coptic Monuments</i>, 1902, pl. XXXIV; for its Fayum provenance, see Daressy, <i>ASAE</i> 13 (1914), p. 268.↑
- Van der Vliet, <i>Enchoria</i> 28 (2002-03), pp. 140–42 (in the reprint, pp. 113–15); Sinnuris is a town some twelve kilometers north of Fayum city; see Grossmann, Derda and Van der Vliet, <i>Eastern Christian Art</i> 8 (2011), pp. 29–48 (in the reprint, pp. 123–50).↑
- <i>I. Lefebvre</i> 62; Crum, <i>Coptic Monuments</i>, 1902, pl. XXXV.↑
- Cf. Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, pp. 152–53, 163; Blumell and Hussen, <i>ZPE</i> 193 (2015), p. 204, ad ll. 1–3; p. 206, ad ll. 2–3.↑
- For a review of the many monasteries and churches of late antique Arsinoe, see Timm, <i>Das christlich-koptische Ägypten</i> IV, 1988, pp. 1508–17.↑
- For the function of lector in the Egyptian Church, see Wipszycka, <i>JJP</i> 23 (1993), pp. 194–205 (in the reprint, pp. 238–48).↑
- Discussed by Boud’hors and Calament, in Immerzeel and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Coptic Studies</i>, 2004, pp. 447–75 (with addenda in <i>JCoptStud</i> 7 [2005], pp. 131–35); cf. Schaten, in Gabra (ed.), <i>Christianity and Monasticism in the Fayoum Oasis</i>, 2005, p. 258, with n. 9.↑
- EA 1757; see Smith, in <i>The British Museum Quarterly</i> 6 (1931–32), p. 33; Boud’hors and Calament, in Immerzeel and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Coptic Studies</i>, 2004, p. 462, no. 1, with fig. 7; Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, p. 411, top left.↑
- Hall, <i>Coptic and Greek Texts</i>, 1905, pl. 7, no. 1339; cf. Von Lemm <i>Koptische Miscellen</i>, 1972, pp. 1330–32. The language of the epitaph (Sahidic) argues against a Fayum provenance.↑
- The genre is discussed in Łajtar, <i>Catalogue Khartoum</i>, 2003, pp. 156–57, with further references.↑
- Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, pp. 178–81; for further Fayumic examples, see Boud’hors and Calament, in Immerzeel and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Coptic Studies</i>, 2004, pp. 462–63.↑
- Witness Diethart, <i>Prosopographia arsinoitica</i>, 1980, pp. 320–31, nos. 5481–5679; it appears again in our no. 5, ll. 8–9.↑
- For the latter, see Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, pp. 176–77; Van der Vliet, in: Łajtar and van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Nubian Voices</i>, 2011, pp. 183–84 (in the reprint, p. 395).↑
- For their widespread cult, see Papaconstantinou, <i>Culte des saints</i>, 2001, pp. 56–58, who quotes our text.↑
- <i>CPR</i> IV, 151, l. 1, quoted in Papaconstantinou, <i>Culte des saints</i>, 2001, p. 56.↑
- Rijksmuseum van Oudheden, F 1968/3.3; ed. Schneider, <i>OMRO</i> 50 (1969), p. 4, ll. 16–17; on the “almost certain” provenance (“Sheykh ’Ibâda”), p. 3. For the <i>Totenklage</i>-genre, see below no. 16.↑
- Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale, date and provenance unknown; <i>SB Kopt</i>. I, 465; Cramer, <i>Totenklage</i>, 1941, no. 9, ll. 10–11.↑
- Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 1922, col. 74; absent from Hasitzka, <i>Namen</i>, 2007.↑
- See Yoyotte, <i>RdE</i> 15 (1963), pp. 106–14; Drew-Bear, <i>Le nome hermopolite</i>, 1979, pp. 331–34; Prunetti, <i>Aegyptus</i> 59 (1979), pp. 98–101; cf. Crum, <i>Coptic Dictionary</i>, 1939, p. 323a, s.v. <named-content content-type="copto">ⲥⲟⲃⲧ</named-content>; Timm, <i>Das christlich-koptische Ägypten</i> IV, 1988, pp. 2015–17, 2048–51; V, pp. 2226–31.↑
- <i>Trismegistos</i> Geo ID 8253; see Drew-Bear, <i>Le nome hermopolite</i>, 1979, pp. 332–33; for the correct reading, <named-content content-type="greco">Ἀμούνεως</named-content>, not <named-content content-type="greco">Ἀνούνεως</named-content>, Hagedorn and Worp, <i>ZPE</i> 135 (2001), pp. 158 and 160, <i>ad</i> l. 7.↑
- On the structure of the name, Van der Vliet, <i>GM</i> (forthcoming).↑
- By Calament, in Boud’hors and Louis (eds.), <i>Études coptes XII</i>, 2013, pp. 37–46. Cf. <i>SB Kopt</i>. II, 1092 (not from Bahnasa), reproduced in the <i>editio princeps</i>, Sobhy, <i>BSAC</i> 5 (1939), pp. 77–78, pl. III.↑
- See Peterson, <i>ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ</i>, 1926, <i>passim</i>; Van der Vliet, in Fluck and Helmecke (eds.), <i>Textile Messages</i>, 2006, pp. 36–37 (in the reprint, pp. 34–35); Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, p. 173.↑
- Currently registered in the Museo Egizio’s records as Suppl. 1338/02, because it shares the number with a pillar capital inventoried as Suppl. 1338 (?). However, the latter attribution should be regarded as a registration error, because in the handwritten post-1880 inventory (the <i>Supplemento</i>, verified directly on the original) the only item under no. 1338 is a “stele copta”, a single item, and hence to be identified without the suffix “02”.↑
- See Peterson, <i>ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ</i>, pp. 47–77.↑
- Cf. Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 1922, col. 446 (Τσᾶ) and 447 (<named-content content-type="greco">Τσέει</named-content>); Foraboschi, <i>Onomasticon</i>, 1967, p. 323 (<named-content content-type="greco">Τσέει</named-content>). For a <named-content content-type="copto">ⲧⲥⲁ ϩⲁⲃⲓⲛ</named-content>, a female physician, see <i>SB Kopt.</i> IV, 2082 (an <i>aedicula</i>-type stela probably from the same general region as the present one); a woman <named-content content-type="copto">ⲧⲥⲁ ⲉⲣⲃⲏⲛⲓⲥ</named-content> (?) is known from a Jeme ostracon, ed. Hall, <i>Coptic and Greek Texts</i>, 1905, pl. 78, p. 113, no. 12179 (cf. Wilfong, <i>Women</i>, 2002, pp. 130–32).↑
- Cf. Sauneron and Coquin, in <i>Livre du centenaire</i>, 1980, pp. 240–41, for a discussion of this type of names.↑
- For its erroneous registration in the Museo Egizio’s records as Suppl. 1338/02, see above, note 55.↑
- In general on the Schiaparelli acquisitions, Curto, <i>Storia del Museo Egizio</i>, 1976, pp. 51–53, 105 (cf. 108).↑
- See Daressy, <i>ASAE</i> 13 (1914), pp. 266–68, 270; Peterson, <i>ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ</i>, 1926, pp. 56–70; Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, pp. 165–66 and 420–22.↑
- At p. 163, and again in Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 1922, col. 420.↑
- Peterson, <i>ΕΙΣ ΘΕΟΣ</i>, 1926, p. 48.↑
- See Solin and Salomies, <i>Repertorium</i>, 1994, p. 51.↑
- See Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, pp. 149–50 and 175–76; Van der Vliet, in Łajtar and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Nubian voices</i>, 2011, pp. 183–84 (in the reprint, p. 395), and, for the earlier literature, Van der Vliet, <i>Catalogue Khartoum</i>, 2003, p. 42, with n. 207; add, for the formula, Simon, <i>RHR</i> 113 (1936), pp. 188–206.↑
- See, for instance, Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 1922, col. 206, masc. only; Hasitzka, <i>Namen</i>, 2007, s.v. <named-content content-type="copto">ⲙⲁⲣⲓⲁⲙⲏ</named-content>, and Ochała, <i>JJP</i> 48 (2018), pp. 181–82.↑
- Cf. Preisigke, <i>Namenbuch</i>, 1922, col. 136 and 429–30.↑
- See e.g. Kahle, <i>Bala’izah</i>, 1954, p. 93.↑
- Cf. Crum, <i>Coptic Dictionary</i>, 1939, p. 585ab; Van der Vliet, in <i>JJP</i> 34 (2004), pp. 123–25 (in the reprint, pp. 180–82).↑
- In Donadoni Roveri (ed.), <i>Il Museo Egizio: guida alla lettura di una civiltà</i>, 1993, p. 232.↑
- For a catalogue of Esna stelae known in the 1970s, see Sauneron and Coquin, in <i>Livre du centenaire</i>, 1980, pp. 239–77; cf. Tudor, <i>Christian Funerary Stelae</i>, 2011, pp. 103–07, with plates at pp. 423–27.↑
- For which the classic study remains Cramer, <i>Totenklage</i>, 1941; cf. Van der Vliet, in Łajtar and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Nubian Voices</i>, 2011, pp. 209–15 (in the reprint, pp. 408–12).↑
- See Roquet, <i>BIFAO</i> 77 (1977), pp. 164–71; Boud’hors and Calament, in Immerzeel and Van der Vliet (eds.), <i>Coptic Studies</i>, 2004, p. 450.↑
- See also above, our commentary to no. 4, from Middle Egypt.↑
- Cramer <i>Totenklage</i>, no. 14 (<i>SB Kopt</i>. I, 675); for an example from even farther south, Qasr Ibrim, in northern Nubia, see Łajtar and Van der Vliet, <i>Qasr Ibrim</i>, 2010, no. 40. For the present stela, the Arabic name in l. 6 makes a Nubian provenance less likely.↑